I start with a passage from Lucian's Apologia c. 12. Lucian is writing late in his life towards the end of the second century, and he is writing an apology, a defence, for undertaking a salaried post in the imperial bureaucracy as a legal functionary (most probably as an eisagogeus)⁽¹⁾-- thereby exposing himself to censure from his literary friends for forfeiting his personal liberty and enslaving himself to mindless drudgery for the sake of filthy gain. He writes (c. 12):
 

In short I did not say that all wage-earners lived a mean and petty existence: no, it was those in private houses who endured slavery under the pretext of education that I pitied. My present situation, my friend, is altogether different. My private standing is not reduced, and in public life I take a share and play my part in the mightiest of empires. If you consider the matter you will realise that my personal responsibility in this administration of Egypt is not the least important--the initiation of court-cases and their arrangement, the recording of all that is done and said, guiding counsel in their speeches, keeping the clearest and most accurate copy of the president's decisions in all faithfulness and putting them on public record to be preserved for all time; and my salary not from any private person, but from the emperor, and it is no small one at that, many talents in fact. For the future I have no small hopes, if what is likely comes about--a procuratorship in a province or some other imperial service.

In its upper levels this was a highly literate society which placed importance on the written word. Hence in the case of Cyprian's second trial, for example, the presiding proconsul, after consulting his accompanying assessores on his tribunal (conlocutus cum consilio, Act. Procons. Cyp. 4.1) then reads out his verdict which has been written down: et decretum ex tabella recitavit: Thascium Cyprianum gladio animadverti placet, 4.2 ("And he read out the decision from a tablet: it is the verdict that Thascius Cyprianus should be executed by the sword"). That was standard forensic procedure in Roman law. So much by way of background.

Cyprian's initial trial took place before the proconsul's tribunal in Carthage on Aug. 30, 257 and as a result he was officially relegated to Curubis which he reached some two weeks later on Sept. 14, Curubis being on Cape Bon about 55 km as the crow flies east of Carthage. From there he writes later that year to Numidians (9 named bishops as well as anonymous presbyters, deacons and laity), all of whom have been condemned by the governor (praeses) of Numidia to work in the mines. It is a florid letter of exhortation (Ep. 76) which accompanies a contribution of money for their support and comfort, money provided by Cyprian himself and by Quirinus.

One group of these Numidian confessors replies in thanks with an equally effusive missive (Ep. 77):
 

Nemesianus, Dativus, Felix, and Victor send eternal greetings in the Lord to their brother Cyprian.

1.1 Dearly beloved Cyprian, in your letter you never fail to speak with a profound understanding suited to the occasion and the circumstances. By attentive reading of those letters not only are the wicked reformed but men of sound faith are given strength; for as you assiduously lay bare the hidden mysteries of our religion in your writings, you cause us to grow in faith and men of the world to draw closer to believing. 1.2 So much excellent matter have you introduced in your many books that you have, all unknowingly, portrayed your very self to us. For there is no man your match in teaching, none more eloquent in language, more wise in counsel, more penetrating in wisdom, more generous in charity, more selfless in virtuous conduct. And you are also well aware, dearest brother, that it is our prayerful desire that we should see you, our teacher and our friend, gain your crown for your magnificent confession.

2.1 And acting as that good and true teacher, you first proclaimed before the proconsul's tribunal the words which we, your pupils, following your lead, should declare before our own provincial governor. With that trumpet call you roused the soldiers of God whom you have now furnished with heavenly weapons to engage in the encounter, and in the front line of battle you slew the devil yourself with your spiritual sword. With those words of yours you arrayed in due order, on this side and that, the battle lines of your brethren. The foe was thus beset with snares on every side, his sinews were severed, and the very carcass of our common enemy was trampled underfoot.

Some confirmation of this impression comes from the words of Cyprian's own biographer, his deacon Pontius, who shared Cyprian's year of exile at Curubis (as he says in Vit. Cyp. c. 12: "in his charity he [Cyprian] graciously deigned to choose me to be amongst his household companions, a voluntary exile": me inter domesticos comites dignatio caritatis eius delegerat exulem voluntarium). When they are about to go off to that Curubis he writes (c. 11): et quid sacerdos Dei proconsule interrogante responderit, sunt acta quae referant ("And there are available the court proceedings which recount what the priest of God replied in answer to the proconsul's questions"). In other words, copies of Cyprian's acta can be assumed by Pontius to be readily available to his readership just as they appear to have been to the Numidian bishops down in the mines.

It is difficult not to suspect that Cyprian himself may have given instructions on his departure to Curubis for his own acta to be copied and distributed for edification and instruction, just as he once had a lector designated to oversee the making of authenticated copies of his correspondence for distribution (Ep. 29). After his stance before the governor's tribunal Cyprian, and his fellow Christians, were well aware that he was now an inspirited confessor. To read those acta would not only edify and instruct. They would additionally help to silence any of Cyprian's opponents who may have continued to question either his disputed behaviour during the Decian persecution or subsequently his disputed position on the penitential and baptismal controversies. Cyprian was a politician as well as a bishop. (Similarly, Dionysius, contemporary bishop in Alexandria, can quote verbatim an extract from his own acta [in Greek, µµ] in response to criticism of his behaviour, levelled by a fellow-bishop Germanus. He writes: "But hear the things themselves that were spoken on both sides µµí" i.e. as they are recorded in my acta [ap. Euseb. H.E. 7.11.6]. Germanus can hardly gainsay what was to be found written down on the official court record.)

We should probably also deduce a second corollary. Cyprian was also fully aware of his role as the effective metropolitan of the African bishops in his provincia (as he terms his episcopal domain), of his duty to be the leader and teacher of this far-flung church. His comportment on August 30, 257 at the initial trial of the persecution in Africa was crucial for his self-conscious role in Christian leadership. There is a restrained dignity in his demeanor, a studied composure in his responses: he is conducting himself according to the upper class ideals of self-control for his society, demonstrating Stoic reticence in the face of mortal danger. Optimus quisque, Cyprian's social peers, whether pagan or Christian, as well as his social inferiors, could not but be impressed by his comportment. He is enacting a model role in a long pre-meditated drama, no less sincere for being self-conscious.

In this culture dreams--normally prophetic--are important sources of contact with the spiritual world: a dream as an inspirited confessor is doubly to be valued. Hence Cyprian's biographer can devote two whole chapters (out of 19) to the description and interpretation of a dream which Cyprian had on the day he arrived in exile at Curubis.
 

"There appeared to me," he said, "before I was yet sunk in the repose of slumber, a young man of unusual stature, who, as it were, led me to the praetorium, where I seemed to myself to be led before the tribunal of the proconsul, then sitting. When he looked upon me, he began at once to note down a sentence on his tablet, which I did not know, for he had asked nothing of me with the accustomed interrogation. But the youth, who was standing at his back, very anxiously read what had been noted down. And because he could not then declare it in words, he showed me by an intelligible sign what was contained in the writing of that tablet. For, with hand expanded and flattened like a blade, he imitated the stroke of the accustomed punishment, and expressed what he wished to be understood as clearly as by speech,--I understood the future sentence of my passion. I began to ask and to beg immediately that a delay of at least one day should be accorded me, until I should have arranged my affairs in some reasonable order. And when I had urgently repeated my entreaty, he began again to note down, I know not what, on his tablet. But I perceived from the calmness of his countenance that the judge's mind was moved by my petition, as being a just one. Moreover, that youth, who already had disclosed to me the information about my passion by gesture rather than by words, hastened to signify repeatedly by secret signal that the delay was granted which had been asked for until the morrow, twisting his fingers one behind the other. And I, although the sentence had not been read out, although I rejoiced with very glad heart with joy at the delay accorded, yet trembled with fear for the uncertainty of the interpretation so that the remains of anxiety still set my exulting heart beating with excessive agitation."

In his narrative Pontius interprets one day as one year and it is one year to the very day when the proconsul is in actuality to read aloud his verdict from his tablet, and Pontius then proceeds to paraphrase what we have preserved as the ipsissima verba in the acta proconsularia, keeping very close to the actual wording of the text. "And the judge now read out from his tablet what he previously had not read out in the vision . . . in which Cyprian was said to be a standard-bearer of the sect, and an enemy of the gods, and that he would be an object lesson to his followers and that the authority of the law would be ratified by his blood." Pontius clearly has a transcript of the trial's proceedings before him.

And when you read these proceedings you miss something if you have not also read the very last letter we have from Cyprian's pen. Cyprian has been officially recalled to Carthage from Curubis and as an upper-class honestior he is not held in prison but he is placed 'on his own recognisance' at his suburban estate, awaiting the arrival of the proconsul on his assize rounds.

1.1 My dearest brothers, when news was brought to us that police agents had been sent to take me to Utica, very dear friends of mine urged and counselled me to withdraw for the time being from our gardens. There being adequate ground for so acting, I have agreed to do this. The reasons are these: it befits a bishop to confess his faith in that city where he has been placed in charge over the Lord's flock, it is proper that the appointed leader in the Church should bring glory upon all his people by making his confession in their midst.

1.2 For whatever a confessor-bishop speaks at the very moment he confesses his faith, he speaks under the inspiration of God and as the mouthpiece of all. But in fact, the honour belonging to our illustrious Church will be vitiated if it is at Utica that I should receive sentence upon making my confession (whereas I have been appointed as bishop over another church) and if it is from Utica that I go forth as martyr to the Lord. For it is in your midst that I ought to be making my confession, it is there I ought to suffer, it is from there I ought to go forth to the Lord. And for this I do entreat and supplicate without ceasing, and I long for it with all my heart, both on my own account and on yours.

1.3 That is why we are now here in this secret retreat awaiting the arrival of the proconsul, who is on his way back to Carthage. From him we shall be hearing what instructions the emperors have laid down concerning both Christian laity and bishops and we shall say what it is the Lord's will is to be said at that hour.

1.4 But so far as you are concerned, dearest brothers, you must obey the rules which you have constantly heard from me based on the precepts of the Lord, you must follow the lessons which I have preached and taught to you time and time again. Remain calm and peaceable. Let no one among you stir up any trouble for the brethren or offer himself up to the pagans of his own volition. But if a man has been apprehended and delivered up, then he has a duty to speak out, in as much as God who dwells within us speaks at that hour. He has shown that His will is that we should do more than profess our faith, we are to confess it.

1.5 But how we are to comport ourselves in other matters until the proconsul passes sentence upon me for confessing the Name of God, that we shall determine on the spot guided by the Lord's instructions.

May the Lord Jesus, dearest brothers, keep you abiding safe within His Church and by His grace may He keep you in His protection.

The posthumous success of Cyprian's striving not just to die for his faith but in so dying to bequeath to others a model of how Christians should go to their deaths is palpable. And the way this message was conveyed most authentically was by transcripts of his acta.⁽³⁾

1. C.P. Jones, Culture and Society in Lucian, Cambridge, Mass., 1986, 20 f.

2. On this calendar and the significance of the rites involved see V. Saxer, Vie liturgique et quotidienne à Carthage vers le milieu du III^e siècle, Vatican, 1969, 303 ff., idem, Morts, martyrs, reliques en Afrique chrétienne aux premiers siècles, Paris, 1980, 84 ff.

3. The effectiveness of the propaganda-focus on Cyprian can be gauged by the fact that the memory of companions, put to death at the same time as Cyprian, has been blotted out except in the Donatist version of his acta. See J.-L. Maier, Le dossier du Donatisme, vol. 1, Berlin, 1987.